The Civilian JTF |
Though the Boko Haram insurgents are still on the prowl,
vigilantes have been able to clip their wings to a reasonable extent, reports New York Times
The men from Boko Haram came tearing
through this rural town, setting fire to houses, looting, shooting and yelling,
“God is great!” residents and officials said. The gunmen shot motorists
point-blank on the road, dragged young men out of homes for execution and
ordered citizens to lie down for a fatal bullet.
When it was all over 12 hours later,
they said, about 150 people were dead, and even one month later, this
once-thriving town of 35,000 is a burned out, empty shell of blackened houses
and charred vehicles.
Boko Haram, Nigeria’s homegrown
Islamist insurgent movement, remains a deadly threat in the countryside, a
militant group eager to prove its jihadi bona fides and increasingly populated
by fighters from Mali, Mauritania and Algeria, said the governor of Borno
State, Kashim Shettima.
But about 40 miles away in
Maiduguri, the sprawling state capital from where the militant group emerged,
Boko Haram has been largely defeated for now, according to officials, activists
and residents — a remarkable turnaround that has brought thousands of people
back to the streets. The city of two million, until recently emptied of
thousands of terrified inhabitants, is bustling again after four years of fear.
For several months, there have been
no shootings or bombings in Maiduguri, and the sense of relief — with women
lingering at market stalls on the sandy streets and men chatting under the
shade of feathery green neem trees in the 95-degree heat — is palpable.
Boko Haram has been pushed out of
Maiduguri largely because of the efforts of a network of youthful
informer-vigilantes fed up with the routine violence and ideology of the
insurgents they grew up with.
“I’m looking at these people: they
collect your money, they kill you —
Muslims, Christians,” said the network’s founder, Baba Lawal Ja’faar, a car and
sheep salesman by trade. “The Boko Haram are saying, ‘Don’t go to the school;
don’t go to the hospital.’ It’s all rubbish.”
Governor Shettima has recruited the
vigilantes for “training” and is paying them $100 a month. In the sandy Fezzan
neighborhood of low cinder block houses, where the informer group was nurtured
over the past two years, the walls are pockmarked with bullet holes from
shootouts with the Islamists, a visible sign of the motivations for fighting
the insurgents.
“The suffering of our people was
just too much,” said the group’s third-in-command, Mr. Ja’faar’s younger
brother Kalli, standing on a street corner in Fezzan as others nodded.
The elder Mr. Ja’faar moves around
discreetly, as people are afraid to be seen with him.
“People will run away from me
because I am catching the Boko Haram,” the elder Mr. Ja’faar, 32, said, smiling
during a nighttime interview indoors. But he seemed unafraid of the danger,
lifting his bright yellow polo shirt to reveal a thin leather strip around his
waist, which bore an amulet. He explained that he carried “plenty of magic,” 30
charms, to protect himself.
The network’s intimate knowledge of
the community enables it to quickly recognize Boko Haram members and turn them
over to the Nigerian military; dozens have been turned over, members of the
informer group said.
The military, known as the Joint
Task Force, or J.T.F., has been unable to defeat the Boko Haram on its own
despite four years of a bloody counterinsurgency campaign that has been widely
criticized for the indiscriminate detention and killing of civilians.
By contrast, the vigilante group’s
leaders say, some of their recruits are repentant former Boko Haram members,
making it easier to correctly identify and catch the insurgents. The vigilante
group now calls itself the “Civilian J.T.F.”
For years, analysts have urged
Nigerian officers not to conduct deadly crackdowns and wide arrests, but
instead to recruit civilians in the destitute northern neighborhoods where Boko
Haram has gained ground. That outcome appears now to have occurred
spontaneously, urged on by the governor, according to interviews here.
Mr. Ja’faar calmly boasted, “I catch
more than 900 people,” a number that could not be confirmed independently. But
the army’s own large-scale roundups and killings of young men have tailed off
recently, officials and activists in Maiduguri said.
The evolving strategy of utilizing
the Civilian J.T.F. echoes the tactic that quelled the long-running insurgency
in southern Nigeria, where rebels preyed on oil installations for years,
shaking the Nigerian government, before they were bought off by the federal
authorities in 2010.
“The Civilian J.T.F. has driven Boko
Haram into the bush,” said Maikaramba Saddiq of the Civil Liberties
Organisation in Maiduguri, a frequent critic of the military.
Indeed, some activists wonder
whether the military is more committed to preserving, not ending, the conflict
with Boko Haram in order to perpetuate the government spending that comes with
it. In a point gingerly acknowledged by some officials, the country’s security
services have grown accustomed to a $6 billion-plus national security budget,
one-quarter of the government’s total budget, and have shown a surprising lack
of alacrity in responding to some recent atrocities.
The killings inside and outside
Benisheik, for example, inexplicably went on unimpeded for more than 10 hours
before the army arrived, these activists say. Most of those killed were
travelers waylaid by gunmen on the now-deserted and dangerous main highway from
Maiduguri, bound hand and foot, and then shot in the head. The road is still
littered with charred vehicles.
A senior official in Maiduguri said
the army could now crush Boko Haram “in three weeks,” as the insurgents had
been “cornered in one axis of the state.” Insisting that he not be identified
for fear of retribution, he expressed puzzlement that the army had not yet
eradicated Boko Haram, acknowledging that “at the top echelons they might be
making money out of the insurgency.”
Before the Benisheik attack, the
Islamists had been gathering for several days, and military officials were
aware of it, asserted Mohammed Benisheikh, a lawyer whose brother was shot in
the leg in the violence. He said that his family, one of the town’s most
prominent, lost numerous vehicles and that its property had been burned in the
attack.
The Nigerian Army declined to make
its commanding officer in the Maiduguri sector available for an interview, and
senior officers in the capital, Abuja, did not respond to phone calls or text
messages.
For their part, the Civilian J.T.F.
members said they were not in it for the money, but to protect their
communities. On the city’s streets, ragged youths wielding machetes, sticks,
garden implements and cutlasses can be seen checking traffic.
“There’s no going back,” said
Mousbaf Adamu, 23, who sells ice at a roundabout near Government House in
Maiduguri and was carrying a long, rough stick. “I’m ready to sacrifice my life
for my people to be protected.”
The real work of the vigilante group
occurs out of sight, in the identification of Boko Haram members that often
occurs door to door.
“We know them by just looking at
them,” said Hamisu Adamu, 40, who sells leather bag and is in charge of
“discipline” for the group.
“Some of them may be our brothers,
and we hand them to the military,” he said. So many, he claimed, that there are
few Boko Haram members left in the city. “Inside of Maiduguri, it would be very
difficult” for the insurgents to circulate, he said.
The governor, Mr. Shettima, agreed.
“The Civilian J.T.F. are a real
game-changer,” Mr. Shettima said as he toured road construction projects in the
sweltering low-rise city, cheered on from the roadside by groups of the young
men to whom he handed out cash. “Now the Boko Haram are seeing the civilian
population as their greatest enemy. These are local people who truly know who
the Boko Haram are.”
In fact, some residents said the
Benisheik attack of Sept. 17 was retaliation over an earlier confrontation
between the Boko Haram and the Civilian J.T.F. in which eight insurgents were
killed. Armed with weapons from the looted arsenals of Col. Muammar el-Qaddafi
in Libya, like militant groups in Mali, the young Islamists went door to door
that evening, looking for prey, the governor said.
“They said I should have to come lie
down in front of them,” said Alhadji Jiji Abdallah, the brother of Mr.
Benisheikh, the lawyer. “This is their system of killing.” But he refused, and
ran. In the darkness, they shot him at close range, hitting him in the leg. They
thought he was dead, he said.
“They don’t have any reason at all”
for attacking us, he said from his hospital bed.
Boko Haram’s efforts in rural
Nigeria are not likely to be finished, the Civilian J.T.F. notwithstanding.
Twelve days after the Benisheik attack, gunmen killed more than 40 students at
an agricultural college nearby, officials say. Once again, the gunmen went
about unimpeded by the military, even though the region is under a state of
emergency and secular state schools have been targeted by the Islamists many
times before, angry residents said. Officials expect the group to strike again.
“The only way they can gain respect in the international circle of jihadism is
by unleashing such mayhem,” Mr. Shettima said.
On Sunday, Boko Haram militants
killed 19 people, mostly traders, near the town of Gamboru Ngala on the border
with Cameroon, according to residents and survivors. The gunmen, wearing
military uniforms, set up a barricade early in the morning on the highway,
about 60 miles Maiduguri. They forced people out of their vehicles and shot
them at close range or slit their throats.
No comments:
Post a Comment